The Favre Family in Early Hancock County, MS

Simon Favre was present at Fort Nogales, near the mouth of the Yazoo River in Choctaw territory, for the signing of the Treaty of Nogales on October 28, 1793.[iii] This treaty was signed between the King of Spain and Emperor of the Indies and the Chickasaw, Creek, Talapoosa, Alibamon, Cherokee and Choctaw nations. The Spaniards were represented by Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, colonel of the royal armies, military and political governor of the post and district of Natchez, commissioned for this purpose by the Baron de Carondelet, governor of the province of Louisiana and West Florida. Representing the Choctaws was Franchimastabe’, principal chief, and Pushimataha, who apparently was closely tied to Simon Favre, possibly through marriage.

The text of the treaty detailed where the different tribes were to pick up their gifts to maintain the terms of all treaties since 1784. The Choctaw were to pick up their yearly gifts at old Tombecbe’, “which it has recently ceded to His Catholic Majesty”.³¹ The treaty was signed for the Choctaw by Franchi Mastabe’, Mingo Puscus, and Mistichico. Simon Favre was one of the witnesses.³²

Insight into Simon’s intentions and his situation is found in a letter he wrote to Don Manuel Lanzos, commander at Natchez from Tombecbe’ on 28th January 1794:

SIR: I have delayed writing to you until now because there was no opportunity to let you know that the late Degrange has left at his death a mulatto woman, about forty-five years old, two geldings, two mares and a few small effects, which are in the hands of Mr. Smith. The dead owed a few things to several people in the nation, and as Mr. Delavillebeuvre is slow about it, I beg you to send me your orders on this matter.
Some Chactaws , returning from the hunt, report that the Americans have beaten a large party of Cherokees on the Mississippi and that there is a great rumor in this nation to the effect that they are coming to destroy them.
There is nothing else to let you know for the time being. Allow me, Sir, to take the liberty of asking you for some news of Mr. Delavillebeuvre. He was to be back here sometime this month. I have received no letter from him. When I was at Nogales I received permission from Mr. Delavillebeuvre to spend the winter at Tombecbe’ and to settle there. Since the government has agreed with the Chactaws to send them their presents there, I am working with the constant fear of wasting my labors. That is why I take the liberty of asking you to let me know if I may continue working. You will oblige the one who has the honor of being, with respect and submission, Sir, Your must humble and obedient servant, Simon Favre.³³

Delavillebeuvre said that the Choctaws were in a most wretched condition, and that not one grain of corn could be sent to Mobile: ³⁴

However, Ogoulayacabe’s harangue to the Choctaws at the assembly called by Favre at Boukloucoulou, in connection with the letter which the commissioner sent to that nation in the care of Mad Dog [Talapoosa chief], has had a very bad effect, as I believe he told you before my arrival…As the Choctaws had stolen some horses from the Talapoosas when they came back from Nogales, the latter came to Tombecbe’ to steal three belonging to Favre. As I presumed this might very well have been done at the instigation of the American commissioner…
The letter which I wrote to Sieur Favre, in accordance with your orders, dated December 6, ’93, and which I had given to Sieur Parant, so that he might have a savage take it to the nation, arrived only day before yesterday. The delay occurred because the savage who was carrying it kept it all this time while he went hunting so that Favre, not having received it, has not made the census which you ordered me to have him take. At the present time it is too late. Nor had he built any barracks to house the troops and shelter their effects. However, after he received the letter which I wrote to him when I arrived at Mobile, he built a shed, where the five men who came up with me are living and where the others may stay when they come

Delavillebeuvre to Gayoso de Lemos May 8, 1794: (copy) Volume IV, :284-285

“I arrived at the Choctaw nation several days ago after a 24-day trip on the Tombigbee River where I met very strong currents.…I was not at all satisfied with what Ogoulayacabe said at an assembly called in the Choctaw nation by Favre during my absence in connection with a letter which you had sent him to induce him and his warriors to go to the Ecors a’ Margot against the French. He said that he was surprised that you should ask them to take up arms against white people, because the Spanish chiefs had always said that they did not want to shed the blood of the red men, nor allow them to mix in the wars of the white men, where they should merely be spectators. Franchimastabe, who is a very peaceable man, spoke after him and approved his policy very much. So you can see there is quite a bad example given by two chiefs who have been loaded with favors by the Spaniards. This sort of thing happens every day with them…The Talapoosas are up to their usual tricks now that spring is here, and have just stolen at Tombibecbe’ three horses belonging to the interpreter, Simon Favre. I sent a courier bearing a message to the commissioner who relieved Don Pedro Olivier. He is called the Chevalier de Villiers, captain of the militia. I asked him to have the horses given back and to speak to the chiefs of that nation to prevent them from coming near the Choctaws, who are already quite dissatisfied, because it might have dangerous consequences. I have also written to Red Shoe. At present the savages do not want to go alone to carry letters for fear of accidents. They go in twos….”
(From Boukfouca, 8th of May, 1794, Volume IV, pages ?-318)

Delavillebeuvre from Fort Confederation, July 7, 1794 to Monsieur the Baron de Carondelet:

Seditious speeches are beginning to die down among the Choctaw nation, although the warriers are still very impertinent. But this is caused by drink and it is not very feasible to deprive them of it. However, a rather timely threat made by one of our great medal; chiefs named Totehouman, to kill all the animals of the traders living in that nation if Favre’s animals at Tombecbe’ were killed, has been sufficient to restrain them. The others are not saying anything and besides, I hope the food which we give them will cause them to think. I do not know where we are going to put the armourer. I suppose he ought to be lodged in the fort as is the surgeon [Broutin]. The fort is so small and the buildings so much one on top of the others that there is not much leeway for such lodgings. The oven touches the storehouse and without a chimney is likely to set fire to it whenever sparks fly from it. The storekeeper also asks for a lodging and requested me to speak to you about it.
I have also told you in one of my previous letters how necessary it was to have a shed for the Indians. The interpreter requested an apartment at the far end of it. (:317). Volume IV pages 340-341.

Delavillebeuvre to Carondelet September 14, 1794:

I think that the Talapoosas and the Alibamons are going to start their usual trouble because they have already stolen two horses belonging to Favre and I believe one of mine which cost me fifty piastres. I cannot locate it anywhere, so here I am without a horse. I shall be very much put out when I have to go into the nation”. (:340).
Volume IV, page 56-57

Favre in Mobile

Following his details at the various forts and his turbulent stay at Tombigbee, Simon lived on his property located in Mobile which included a house on Loyal St. While there, he associated often with other Indian interpreters, specifically J.B. Roussere and Simon Andry. In a document prepared on April 13, 1798 as part of a land exchange between Favre and Andry, Simon describes himself as: “I Simon Favre Interpreter of the Choctaw Nation, now of the town of Mobile….” ³⁵ Simon Andry, Favre’s neighbor when he lived on the west side of Tombigbee, was also described as an “interpreter of the Choctaw language.” ³⁶ Jean Baptiste Roussere (known in some documents as Rousseve) was a famed interpreter of the Muskhogean language and a neighbor of Favre’s along the East Pearl River.

Significance of the Pearl River

The east bank of the East Pearl River, the westernmost limit of Spanish West Florida, acquired increasing strategic relevance as the US entered the regional geopolitical scene, culminating with the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. By that time, numerous land grants had been issued by the Spanish to mostly French inhabitants of Mobile. Many of Simon Favre’s neighbors and relatives were among the new land owners of the area, beginning as early as 1782.

When Thomas Jefferson led the United States into the Louisiana Purchase, the eastern boundary of the newly acquired territory was set at the East Pearl River. Consequently, the area that would become Hancock County assumed an increased strategic role. Thomas Jefferson, upon receipt of the Declaration of Independence from the Commonwealth of West Florida, claimed the whole district for the United States and directed Governor Claiborne to take possession of the area and include it in the Orleans Territory.³⁷

It is during his stay on his plantation along the East Pearl River that Simon Favre acquired increased fame and status. He already owned a large tract of land inherited from his father Jean Claude, it being the original 1767 British grant to his father. In addition, Simon acquired other adjoining parcels. Given that the East Pearl River had been the international boundary between British West Florida and Spanish Louisiana late in the 18^th century, and that it continued to be an important geographical feature throughout the first decades of the 19^th century, Simon’s land holdings in the region contributed not only to his political importance but also to his wealth.

The 1827 accounting also mentions as parcel number two, 640 acres on the east branch of the Pearl. Would this not be Mary Favre’s 639 acres?

The original Jean Claude Favre land grant is referenced also in 1804 when the US government began reviewing previous land grants in the area to confirm and validate ownership. At that time, the British land grant to John Claudius Favre was shown as belonging to his son Don Simon Favre. It measured 1200 acres or 1418 arpents and was located on the East Pearl River, 6 leagues from its mouth (solicited October 3, 1804; surveyed the 19^th of the same month. (From Archives 154, Land Claims East of the Pearl)

Simon Favre’s Family

Simon Favre married Celeste Rochon, (b. 1777) daughter of Augustine Rochon, native of Mobile and widower of Marie Jeanne LaPointe and Louise Fievre, on March 25 1801 in Mobile.

The marriage is recorded in documents furnished to the Chancery Court of Lawrence County Ms in 1847. This is a copy of the Spanish certificate, furnished by the St. Louis Cathedral in New Orleans. Simon and Celeste are identified as the legitimate children of Juan Favre and Margarita Wiltz, and Augustin Rochon and Luisa Fievre, respectively. Both are said to be of Mobile; Simon is called an Interpreter to the Indians. The original was signed by Antonia de Sedella, better known historically as “Pere Antoine.” ³⁸

Judging from the birth of their children, they moved to the East Pearl river between 1804 and 1806, just after the Louisiana Purchase, when that river formed the international boundary between the US and Spain. He fathered six children ³⁹ with Celeste: Jean (b. in Mobile 1802, d.1888), Augustus (b. in Mobile 1804), Onezan (b. in Pearlington 1806, d. 1875), Louisa Eucharist (b. in Pearlington 1809, d. 1881), Marguerite (b. in Pearlington 1812, d. 1906), and Carlota(b. 1813 in Pearlington). It isevident that Simon and his family moved to Hancock County between the 1804 birth in Mobile of son Augustus, and that of Onezan in 1806.

An explanation is in order here to reflect that his will acknowledged only five children by Celeste. That document is dated May 18, 1812, and records show that the sixth child, Carlota, was born after her father’s will was made. (Heitzmann p. 34)

Published references ⁴⁰ mention that Simon Favre had three (?) additional “wives,” including Rebecca Austin (spelled Auston in his will, and Ostein elsewhere), with whom he sired Simon Favre around 1800 and whom he acknowledged in his will.⁴¹

The other two were Mary Ann and Pistikiokonory. Only the first of these other women is mentioned in the Will and Testament of Simon Favre. There is a land grant to Mary Favre located just north of Simon Favre’s Napoleon grant. It is unclear from current research if Mary (or Marie) was Simon’s “wife.” Pistikiokonory was reputed to be the daughter of Medal Chief Pushmataha who reportedly was a personal friend of Simon. With his Indian wife he apparently had four more children: Mary, Louis, Edward and Celeste (Heitzman:16).

Relevance after Louisiana Purchase

After moving to the Pearl River at the turn of the 19^th century, Simon Favre was clearly a significant figure in both Spanish Florida and in the newly established U.S. government west of the East Pearl River. From his home along the river, Favre could control inland communication between the two governments. His long service to Spanish authorities made him a focal point for information when, during the first decade of the 19^th century, Spanish control over their West Florida territory was seriously compromised by rebels, American traders and marauding pirates.

Favre’s value to the various governments initially centered on his continued knowledge and influence with the local Native American tribes. As these groups continued to decline in power, Favre’s role shifted more toward supporting the European and American authorities during the very turbulent times surrounding the end of Spanish rule in West Florida.

French Minister Laussat ^iv recounts the escapades of someone named William Augustus Bowles, who was captured and brought to Spanish Governor Salcedo by five Indians. Bowles was eventually sent to Cuba and died in prison. Laussat, the highest ranking French diplomat just prior to the Louisiana Purchase wrote:

The Indians who had brought him [Bowles] wished to see me and were introduced to me on Monday, June 13, 1803, by Fabre, the Spanish interpreter, and M. Devilliers.
Chief Tastiki of the Topalca, a man about fifty-five years old, was an "esteemed one”; another “esteemed one” who spoke Choctaw acted as intermediary for the chief and our interpreter Fabre; a third “esteemed one” was a half-breed Englishman.

The editor of the Laussat journal states: "The word interprete marked out in the manuscript version and substituted with truchman, which means go-between. Fabre, therefore, acted not as a simple interpreter, but as an intermediary."

Very early in the history of the Louisiana Territory, Governor W.C.C. Claiborne sought to establish communications between the American interests at Fort Stoddard and the newly established posts in Louisiana. Claiborne wrote to Casa Calvo ^v in late February of 1805 seeking permission to cross Spanish territory with Postal route from Washington to Fort Stoddard, through the mouth of Pearl River and on to New Orleans. That east-west route very likely would have to cross through Spanish West Florida.

The strategic location of the Favre property along the East Pearl River is evident in a letter dated June 17, 1805 to the Postmaster General of the United States, in which Governor Claiborne made reference to the Lafon Map ⁴², stating, "transportation [from New Orleans] must be by water …either up one of the Branches of the Pearl River to the residence of Mr. Favre, or along another one to a place marked on the map Boisdore,…" (Reference :xviii). The Federal road was authorized in 1806. It ran along the 31st parallel, but at Ford’s fort on the Pearl, a fork ran south to north shore of Lake Pontchartrain.⁴³ This was probably the route along southwest Hancock County.

Problems for Spain

Spanish authorities in West Florida were rapidly losing their grip on the region. One constant source of trouble for the Spanish authorities was piracy. So too was the encroachment of the Americans who considered West Florida theirs in consequence to the Louisiana Purchase.

Correspondence by Joseph Collins, Spanish subject, assistant surveyor for Vicente Pintado and Captain of the Militia Dragoons, illustrates the many troubles experienced by Spain in West Florida and provides a stage for understanding Simon Favre’s importance to Spain and eventually to the United States.

In a letter dated May 16, 1806, Joseph Collins ⁴⁴ reported to Vicente Folch, Governor of Pensacola:

Since my takeing the command of this place,[? Which place, Pascagoula?] I find it has been a custom of the people on this coast. to ship cattle, for beef, to orleans.
They are in the habit of cutting , & carrying off, to the same place, the best of the ship timber: from Valuxi to the bay of Mobill , & in Bonsecure; and some, even without passport . A few days previous to my taking the command, an American guard was sent from fort Stoder t, who war e permited to Sarch for, & take away, 2 men whom they Said ware deserters. without producing proof… Upwards of 30 cannon, was heared 2 days past, outside of Ship Island. …Also Taffia is sold here, which continually Keeps a gang of drunken Indians, Negroes. & some whites in disorder, & neglecting their business.”

In a letter dated October 17, 1806 Joseph Collins advised Francisco, Maximiliano de St. Maxent of the shipment of 40 shots of 4-pounder by don Francisco Collantes, commander of the balau [Caribbean schooner] Vivora which was unloaded into the house of Francisco Krebs ⁴⁵ When going to New Orleans people are “exposed to the frequent invasion of Boats and Launches of the enemy corsairs that sail for these passages.” He further warned the inhabitants that when going to Horn, Round or any other island, not to take a passport.” ^vi

The Spanish government attempted to hold on to its territory by commissioning several prominent settlers to work for the government, among them. Simon Favre, Philip Saucier and Jean Baptiste Pellerin who was appointed Civil and Military Commander of Bay St. Louis and its Coast and representative of the Governor of Pensacola. Pellerin then appointed Favre as his representative on the Pearl River (Carter 1937). In this capacity, Favre was instrumental in the assignment and confirmation of land deeds, which the Spanish granted at an increasing rate, possibly to offset US encroachment into their territory. Writing on May 25, 1809, from Pass Christian, John Pellerin stated: “In virtue of the authority I have from his Excellency, the Governor of Pensacola, I appoint a person in him I have confidence, on Pearl river for the purpose of representing me in whatever concerns the Royal service and having found these qualities in you, I appoint you for the purposes before mentioned. God preserve you many years, John Baptiste Pellerin, to Senor Don Simon Favre”. (author’s translation of the original Spanish document).

On June 8th, 1810, Francisco Hemeterio de Hevia, who replaced Collins as the commandant at Pascagoula, wrote to Francisco Maximiliano de St. Maxent:

Maturen Babin, master of the Spanish Schooner the Eugenia has informed me that the 6th of the present month, there was a french Corsair, on the outside of the Ship Island tacking back and fore according to information supplied by the inhabitants of Biloxi that forced to put into that Place the Master Laeost, and yesterday the 7th at 12 in the day they anchored outside of Horn Island a Large Schooner of two Topsails which allows it to remain in that Passage until the night, not having seen it today at sunrise, which leads me to believe it sailed in the Night.

During the same month as the Hevia letter, Maturin Babin sought and received land along the Pearl River. Simon Favre and Ambrose Gaines were called to witness the claim.⁴⁶

After his appointment, Favre served Pellerin and the Spanish Government in West Florida by providing military intelligence and maps on the increasing activities of Americans and “rebels” operating along the Pearl River and adjacent coast. In a letter dated June 29, 1809, Pellerin forwarded to Vicente Folch an official communication from Simon Favre (Fabre in this letter) detailing how every day Americans were arriving at the Pearl River with the purpose of settling the area and with that pretext, they robbed the inhabitants.^vii

On September 23^rd, 1810, Pellerin forwarded to Folch a map drawn by the Englishman Benjamin Howard and sent to Simon Favre, identified as “commandant of the Pearl River.” The message from Favre also contained news on the insurrection at Baton Rouge as described in Favre’s conversation with American Colonel William Spillers 2^nd Regiment of Militia and a member of the group known as “the Convention.” This was comprised of citizens of West Florida who had assembled in advance of the West Florida revolution “as guardians both of the publick interests, and of the rights of the individual members of the community.” It was this body which prepared the Declaration of Independence of the West Florida Republic.⁴⁸

Simon Favre provided intelligence to the Spanish government as rebel troops from the West began to increase their pressure on the Spanish outposts. In one particular letter Cayetano Perez, the Commandant at Mobile wrote to Vicente Folch, on October 20, 1810:

This morning at 9:30 Perez received a letter from the commandant at Pascagoula, Hevia, which transcribed a letter of the commandant at Pass Christian, Pellerin. At this instance which is 20:00 I have received a letter from the commandant at Pass Christian. In this moment I have received word from Favre that 300 men of the rebels have arrived on the Pearl River and are marching against the settlement. No inhabitants have joined for the defense, Pellerin retired to Cat Island. Tomorrow he was going to Horn Island as it was impossible to stop the rebels. [Summary translation] (number 168).

Favre continued to provide intelligence to the Spanish authorities through maps and communiqués. On November 1, 1810, Pellerin at Pass Christian forwarded to Folch another map, this one apparently drawn by Favre, from information provided by a Mr. Brown, jailed at Baton Rouge. Favre’s letter from “ribera de las Perlas” on October 28^th stated to Pellerin that a force of 100 men were planning an expedition against Mobile.

In addition to providing military intelligence to Spanish authorities concerning the growing problems with pro-American forces from the west, Simon Favre played in important role in the granting and confirming land deeds along the Pearl River. During this period he is referred to as "Commander of the district of Bay St. Louis for all that may concern the government."

It is understandable that property owners would be uneasy about their claims at the time of the West Florida revolt. It would appear that a number whose land was on Pearl River appealed to Simon Favre to insure their ownership. No less than twenty claims, listed as Spanish permits, are shown in the American State Papers as having been issued by him. They are all dated 1809-10, but reflect in at least several cases, prior claims. Favre acted in a capacity normally served by such Spanish officials as Pellerin, Morales, St. Maxent, and Carondelet.

From a series of these land transaction from 1810 we derive important information on the European settlements and American Indian toponymy along the East Pearl River.

For example, Simon Favre confirmed the claim of Joseph Cooper in August to establish a Vacherie on a piece of land, 20 x 40 arpents, above a neck called sounp-kug ⁴⁹ .Similarly, on 25 March 1810 Favre gave permission to Nathan Smith to settle on Pearl River, at a place called Oussac Cinarous, the claim measuring 15 by 40 arpents.

Continuing, Favre confirmed a grant to William Deen on June 12^th for the place of Oucaya, 15 x 40 arpents, on right side of the river and 5 arpents on the left. On the same day grants were made to Hugh McCall, for a place named “Hill of Belle Fountain” (la cuesta de la bella fuente), 5 x 40 on the left side of the river and to Thomas Holmes, for a place called Abulequito 15 arpents front, on right bank of the river and 5 on the left. The place called Koutcha on Orico was settled by Jeremiah Henley with permission by Simon Favre (Deed Book A). In that permit, dated March 25, 1810, Favre said of himself that he was “representing the Commander of the District of Bay St. Louis for all that may concern the government.”

The next day, 13 June 1810, Joseph Baker was granted 200 arpents on one of the head branches of Mulatto Bayo [sic], 3 miles east of the Pearl, inhabited and cultivated since 1809, the place being called Quetin-amac in pine woods. A few weeks later, on July 3, 1810, Favre was involved in granting to Elijah Baites and Hilaire Baites (Bets) 10 arpents front to creeks, x 40 arpents on Mulatto creek ( bayou des Mulatre ) nearly four miles from the Pearl, to continue to cultivate, the land having been inhabited and cultivated since April 1808.⁵⁰

Other claims that were awarded by the Spanish through Simon Favre and later reviewed by the US Government included the Absalom Johnson for 600 arpents immediately below Cypress Bluff by Spanish Permit, purchased from him 20 August 1810 by John Culpepper; Johnson settled at Belle Tarline, about 1.5 miles below Mr. Ford, on 15 by 40 arpents. On 4 October 1810, Charles Taylor settled on east bank of Pearl at a place called Chounouc Boue bayou also measuring 15 by 40. Favre granted the permit. Daniel McCall was given a place called Escosesey measuring 5 x 40 arpents on the left bank of the East Pearl River.

The meaning of most of these place names is still unknown. Discovering their significance through further research will provide significant insight into the geography of early 19^th century Pearl River, including probably some original Muskhogean place designations. What is clear is that Simon Favre until his death in 1813 was the prominent figure in the political and social life of the US-Spanish boundary in South Mississippi.

It is also interesting to note that most of the grantees involved in these episodes had Anglo surnames, although none figures among the members of the Convention that was challenging Spanish dominion in West Florida.

Simon Favre’s role and influence grew as he assumed a primary role for the United States’ communication lines across Spanish territory. On April 4, 1808 the U.S. Postmaster, writing to the Secretary of the Treasury, mentioned that Mr. Favre, still a Spanish subject, served as Agent for the Post Office, forwarding mail between Fort Stoddard to New Orleans through Spanish territory (Carter 1937:624).

Although Spain did not officially cede to the United States land claims to West Florida until the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819, it is evident that settlers might as well act as though they were citizens of the United States with good reason. Indeed, on November 20, 1810, Spanish governor Folch, under a pledge of secrecy, informed Mississippi governor Holmes by letter that he had communicated with a higher official in Havana regarding “the delivery of the Floridas in trust, until the occasion of a treaty….” He ended his communication with an appeal to Holmes to prevent any more “robberies and depredations” and added that in his opinion the inhabitants “are on the eve of becoming American citizens.”

American officials took an active and aggressive role in managing the lands east of the East Pearl River. On December 7, 1810, an Orleans Territory Ordinance set up the area containing the project site as Feliciana County. A subsequent ordinance, dated April 25, 1811, set up Biloxi Parish in Feliciana County between the Pearl River and the river running into Biloxi Bay (Beers 1989:198). After Louisiana was admitted as a state in 1812, land east of the Pearl River, west of the Perdido River, and south of the 31^st parallel was annexed by Act of Congress on May 14, 1812, to the Territory of Mississippi. On May 14, 1812 the newly annexed Mobile District was organized into Hancock and Harrison counties.⁵¹ Occupation was effected when Federal troops entered Mobile Bay in April 1813 formalizing the transition of West Florida.

Simon Favre, like his father, had little trouble switching allegiance and maintaining his prominent position in the region. Consequently, when on January 5^th, 1811, Governor William Claiborne dispatched Dr. William Flood to the region east of the Pearl River in an effort to extend the administrative control over what would soon become the Parish of Biloxi, Simon Favre received Claiborne’s commission for Justice of the Peace ⁵² stating that:

In compliance with your instructions to me dated New Orleans Jan: 5. 1811 I embarked on board the Fellucca Alligator and proceeded to Simeon <sic> Favre's on the Eastern bank of Pearl River and delivered him his commission as Justice of the Peace in and for the Parish of Viloxy, a copy of the Civil Code of the Territory and the Laws and different Acts of the Legislature.^ix

John Claiborne’s version of the same letter expands on Favre, whom Claiborne clearly admired:

Governor: In compliance with your instructions I embarked on the Alligator ⁵³, on the 5^th and proceeded to Mr. Simon Favre’s on the eastern bank of Pearl river [sic]. He is a planter, owns a large stock, and is educated and very agreeable man. He accepted the commission with pleasure, and will make an energetic officer, and seems greatly to value the respect you have manifested for him. I hoisted the flag of the United States at Bay St. Louis on the 8^th, and handed a commission to Philip Saucier, a venerable gentleman of prepossessing manners and with patriarchal influence….

Spain’s control over West Florida continued to deteriorate during the first decade of the 19^th century. Among their constant worries were pirates, American encroachment and the Native Choctaw tribes The Spanish were having difficulty with the Choctaws observing the boundary between the Spanish lands and Mississippi Territory. Having felt betrayed by France in the sale of Louisiana, Spain increased patrolling its remaining borders. In the process, direct conflict with the Choctaws was the result. Not having clear concepts of land ownership or territorial restrictions, the Indians often crossed the 31^st parallel, and some were arrested by Spain. According to De Rosier, “the United States acted wisely toward their transgressions. It protected the Indians against the Spaniards, and the result was a greater Choctaw dependence on, and respect for, the federal government.” ^x

The Choctaws were generally friendly to the early settlers, but a number of letters of William Claiborne written between 1801 and 1812 repeatedly state that the Choctaws committed “depredations” against the white people of the Pearl and other areas. Details of their transgressions, however, indicate that their offenses were principally involving cattle and hogs, and in one case four barrels of flour and “a deal of meat.” ^xi

A few years prior to the Battle of New Orleans, Favre’s abilities and experience were utilized to ascertain to what degree the loyalties of the Choctaws were split between the British and the Americans. From New Orleans, Governor Claiborne worried about Spanish and British activities in Spanish West Florida, especially at Mobile and Pensacola. To mitigate this situation, Governor Claiborne commissioned Simon Favre on August 4, 1812 ^xii to present a “Talk” to the Chiefs and Mingoes of the Muskhogean tribes in West Florida. It is evident that Governor Claiborne trusted Simon, as he allowed that in explaining the Governor’s address to the Chiefs, Favre should add “such observations of you own, as you may think best calculated to incline them to Peace and friendship” (Reference)

Favre, according to Claiborne’s instructions, should find out whether the Creeks and the Choctaws had been furnished with military weapons and what numbers of those towns and Chiefs (or Mingos) were loyal to the Spanish or the British. He was also asked to inform Claiborne of the names of the chiefs and whether Tecumseh or the Prophet had been in his area.^xiii

Anticipating some trouble, Claiborne wrote to Favre: “Should you meet with Mr. Silas Dinsmour the agent of the U.S., for the Choctaws, or with Mr. Pitchylyn or any other person in the nation in the employ of the U.S., you will explain to them the object of you visit, & request their Co-operation.”

Favre did indeed run into Silas Dinsmore who had him arrested shortly after Simon delivered the Governor’s “Talk” to the Choctaw chiefs. The text of the “Talk” is quoted in its entirety as a paragon for illustrating the diplomatic language of the times relative to the Muskhogean Tribes, spoken by a man intimately conversant with their language and entirely knowledgeable of the their Native American culture:

A TALK from
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE, Governor of the State of Louisiana & Commander in Chief of the Militia thereof, to the Chief Head Men & Warriors of the Chactaw Nation.

Brothers

I salute you in friendship, & beg you to open your Ears, that you may hear my words,- Many of you remember me, when I was a Chief at Natchez, & know that I never deceived you. My friendly disposition towards you remains unaltered, & since I have been a Chief at New Orleans, I have always been just to the red men.-

Brothers! When I have a journey to make, I take the nearest path, turning neither to the right nor to the left, but keeping straight on So it is when I send out a talk my manner is to speak plain, & to ease my heart at once, of what I have to say.-

Brothers! The English who live beyond the big Water have done the Americans much harm;- they have robbed us of our property- compelled many of our people to serve on board of their Ships of War, & spilt American blood.- The President of the U: States, & his head Men have determined upon satisfaction; the Tomahawk is raised & our hearts are cross.- This a quarrel Brothers between white people, & does not concern the red Men; We know well the English, & have no fear of them.- More than thirty years ago -they made War against the U: States. We were then a young people, & the enemy thought to crush us;- But they found Men & Warriors to combat them,, & returning to their Ships, they left our Country to ourselves, & made peace upon our own terms.

Brothers! We have now grown up to manhood, & can the better fight our own battles.– I say again this quarrel does not concern the red Men.- Let them therefore remain quiet & join neither side. Your squaws & little Children will rest undisturbed in their Cabbins <sic> Your old Men will discourse & smoke without fear, under the shade of the Trees, & your Warriors may hunt & dance & be merry until they have an enemy of their own to strike.

Brothers! During the last War between the Americans & the English, the Cherokees, & the Creeks & the Northern Indians joined with our Enemies.- And what followed?- The Indian Country was often visited by the big knife Men; Towns were burnt & fields of Corn destroyed; the women & little Children had to sleep in the mountains & many a brave warrior was laid low– And what Brothers was the recompense for all these sufferings? Some trifling presents! A few shirt Blankets – some kegs of Rum & two or three dozen Medals made of bad Mettle <sic?>.

Brothers! I have heard some bad news from Pascagoula & Pearl Rivers.- It is said the Chactaws <sic> have committed many robberies & that blood has been spilt. What does this mean? Do the English want the poor Indians to fight their battles & are you such fools as to sell your lives for a few goods? Has the proffet <sic>sent bad talks among you? or has his Brother Ticumsey made you believe that the Northern Indians are strong enough to drive the Americans into the Sea?

Brothers! The proffet says that he is the Son of the great Spirit, & can prevent powder from burning, & deprive a Ball from a riflle <sic> of its force. Some of the followers of this pretended "Son of the great Spirit" believed him & made an attack some moons past on the American Army. But as formerly the powder hurt & the Balls penetrated, the Indians were defeated.- Many were killed & the proffet turned out to a liar.- Ticumsey is a Warrior; But he is a Mad Man & knows not what he says, or what he does. Beware of him, or he will bring you into trouble.-

Brothers! Your father the President of the U: S: loves his red Children & wishes him to live in peace,-He loves also his white Children, & will suffer no Nation to strike them with impunity. He possesses the power to punish his enemies, & the will to do it.- The Chactaws are a small people, & when compared to the Americans are but a handful.- You may make War; But you will soon sue for peace.

Brothers! I am told that a Council fire is now burning & that white Beads & Wampum are passing between you & the Creeks.- Let this talk be read at the Council, & tell the Creeks to hold it fast. Say to them in my name, to keep their bad Men at home or evil will fall upon their nation.-

Brothers! I am told you go often to Pensacola & Mobile. Listen not to any bad talks you may hear there; But sell your skins & return in peace to your Cabbins or to your hunting ground. The Spanish Chiefs if they are your friends will give you the same advice; But there are wicked people every where, & if you find such at Pensacola or Mobile, turn your backs upon them- But Brothers I must conclude- Many words are soon forgotten. Take Simon Favre by the hand, & whatever he tells you in my name, believe him, for he is a good Man, & will neither betray me, nor deceive you.

I have nothing more to say Brothers- but to express a wish, that the Tomahawk between the Americans & the Chactaws may long remain buried.–

Signed, W. C. C. Claiborne New Orleans Augt, 1812.^xiv

After his arrest, Governor Claiborne interceded on behalf of Favre. He spoke of Favre in very complimentary terms. In a letter to David Holmes, governor of the Mississippi Territory in 1812, Claiborne explained that “…a Number of the Inhabitants on pearl River, expressive of their great apprehensions, & entreating me, to send into the Choctaw Nation Simon Favre, whose influence with the Indians, the Petitioners believed to be such, as to insure a continuance of Peace.” Unfortunately, while acting as “special messenger” to deliver this letter to the Mississippi governor, Favre informed Claiborne September 29, 1812 that he had been arrested by Mr. Dinsmoor [sic], the resident Indian agent of the United States. Claiborne’s letter went on to request Governor Holmes to intercede on Favre’s behalf, “…& to recommend him as an honest Man & a worthy Citizen.” ^xv

Six weeks later, Claiborne apologized in a letter addressed to Favre at Pearl River, Parish of Biloxi. “Your conduct in the course of the mission confided to you is approved, & to an expression of regret for the injury done you, …permit me to add the assurance of my sincere disposition to be just & friendly towards you.- I have long thought, that the appointment of an Indian Agent for Indian affairs to reside on Pearl River,… & I know of no one more worthy of the public Confidence than yourself.- If therefore you will consent to act in that Character, I will entreat the President of the United States to confer on you, such an Agency.” ^xvi

Claiborne later wrote to Secretary of War General Armstrong, telling of the arrest and stating that he made no charge against Dinsmore. He further recommended that an additional agent would be in order, and that he should be Colonel Simon Favre, “who resides on Pearl River, not very far from the Choctaw boundary. Colonel Simon Favre was agent for the Choctaws under the Spanish Government, and has more influence with these Indians than any man in existence.” ^xvii

May 14, 1812, the newly annexed Mobile District was organized into Harrison and Hancock Counties. In 1813 [check these dates so they agree], Hancock County became part of the Mississippi Territory. It was in that year that General Ferdinand Claiborne, concerned about the Creek War, secured the cooperation and neutrality of the Choctaws by enlisting the help of General George Nixon, George Gaines, John Pitchlyn ^xviii, and Simon Favre, of Hancock County. This was to be the last official act carried out by Simon Favre as he died that year, ending an extraordinary career and leaving a lasting legacy in the region.

Favre’s Land Holdings

Records including his will indicate that Simon Favre had two plantations that he inherited from his father, Jean Favre, one containing 800 arpents and the other 1200 arpents. One is located on the left of the Little Pearl River and the other on the right of the Large Pearl River. One plantation was “about six leagues up the Pearl River from where it empties into the Rigolets” (Spanish West Florida Records, Louisiana State Museum, Book a, no. 3: 173-4).

One of Simon’s grants along the Pearl River was located at the site later known as the town of Napoleon, named for the brother of Napoleon Bonaparte.^xix Simon is believed to have built the first house and store in Hancock County at Napoleon ^xx, the store eventually becoming the back of the Napoleon Baptist church. According to the WPA, it was near two large oaks and one large cedar tree.^xxi

Six miles south of Napoleon is the site of another Simon Favre claim, which eventually became the town of Pearlington.^xxii Simon Favre received a grant of another parcel from the Spanish government. It was first settled it in 1798. This was a smaller community compared to Gainesville and Logtown, and like the latter, it is survived by a lovely cemetery and contains the remains of the daughter of Simon Favre. When still a town, its people also engaged in the timber industry, and practiced agriculture and stock raising as well. Benjamin Wailes, not one to bestow idle compliments, considered the town “handsome.” He wrote in his journal that it was first called Pearltown.^xxiii The first printing press in Hancock County was located here. (Source: Stennis Space Center Historical Office)

Simon Favre eventually owned several sections of land along the east bank of the Pearl River, as well as one on West Pearl.

Lands listed in Will

In wills of this time period, the most valuable assets are often listed first. For landowners, this would usually be expected to be an inventory of slaves. As they were more value than land, it is strange that Favre’s will does not include slaves. It must be assumed that as of the date of the writing of that will, he owned none.

Lands listed are as follows (notes in parentheses are editor’s explanations):

1. English grant – 1200 arpents on Small Pearl River – from father (This parcel has to be what is shown in American State Papers A-No.2, original claimant J.C. Favre, a British patent dated 10 April 1771, in St. Tammany Parish, LA. It was surveyed in 1775 by E. Dernford, later signed by Pintado.)⁵⁴
2. 800 arpents on large Pearl – from father
3. 1200 arpents on large Pearl – from English government
4. 800 arpents from Spanish government, “and likewise that I cultivate on the Island” (2^nd copy of will says “also one” instead of “likewise.” It seems this is the only one identified as being from Spanish, and is probably the parcel described in AMP Report No. 4 as 1200 acres east of Pearl River, claimed on March 5, 1804.
5. 800 arpents at the place called Oncaya (2^nd Inventory identifies this as “the Island between the two Pearl Rivers.)
6. one likewise at Mobile of 400 arpents that I purchased from Simon Endy
7. 400 arpents on the upper part of the river at la Boutille (spelled Bouticelle in 2^nd will, and Boutille in French will) from my father, English grant (I have checked to see if there is such a French word, but found none)
8. Also the lands given to me by the Indians on river Tombechbe

In his will, he mentioned land on the river, “given” to him by the Indians.^{xxiv xxv} (Location of land shown on “Pintado” plat may be plantation on Louisiana side of the Pearl River). [Look on V.3 for old deeds owned by Favre; Book C14 and C page 16.]

Of the eight pieces of land listed, clearly, three were in Mobile. Two were called “islands,” possibly what we now term “Honey Island,” land between the two Pearl Rivers. Another was said to be on the “little” of “small” Pearl, evidently meaning West Pearl.

This leaves two parcels, one of 1200 acres and the other of 800. It is believed that the latter is the site at Napoleon. This is reinforced by a decree of 1827 which lists one tract of 958 acres – an odd amount, as “Favre’s Old Place.” Mistakes involving arpents and acres are evident, and if the factor (.84625) were applied here the product becomes 810 acres, an acceptably close approximation.

On a contrary note, a deed dated 26 November 1845 describes 1000 arpents from a Spanish grant, “now laid out as Napoleon.” Again, using the factor, the number of acres becomes 846.26, which is as shown on maps of Napoleon.

The two calculations are not necessarily contradictory, in that measurements were made at different times and for different transfers.

Further complicating the land parcels lies in the estate inventory of 1814. This document, as contained in the Lawrence County archives, lists a ninth piece. (Cf. below, and also article titled “Lawrence County Archives – Simon Favre,” elsewhere on this web site.) It is also in the amount of 800 arpents, and described as being “at the place known by the name of [illegible] with the improvements thereon. The value is given at $500, considerably higher than others.

This of course begs the question, is this the plantation of which great detail is told in a separate inventory? This is treated in more detail in a separate section toward end of this article, but for the moment we may suppose that it is the land listed in ASP No. 322 called “Hickory Camp Creek,” for which the original claimant was said to be John Bte. Favre, eldest son of Simon. The date of settlement was April 1812, within one month of Favre’s writing of his will.⁵⁵

Later, in the 1829 Tax Rolls of Hancock County, Jean Baptiste Favre is still carried as owner, referring to a parcel of 640 acres as “Hickory Camp.” This is possible the 640 acre tract shown in later maps as being owned by Reps. of Simon Favre. It is located just south (down river) from Napoleon.

There is one confirmation of a legal description of part of the Favre land in Napoleon. It is contained in an 1869 advertising of a sale by the Sheriff of ½ of S. Favre claim, Sec. 31, T 8, R 16, containing 320 acres. Named in the judgment for $460 are O. Favre Sr. and W. J. Poitevent.

A preliminary study of the will shows major clarifications of land owned by Simon Favre. A reading from the Lawrence County papers, including the estate inventory, seems to make clear that Favre was cultivating “the Island,” and that it lay between the West and East Pearl (“on the island between the two Pearl Rivers”).

By process of elimination, we know that 6, 7 and 8, above, were in Mobile area. Number 4 and 5 were an island (part of Honey Island?); number 2, according to reasoning below, was Napoleon; number 1 was on West Pearl, in St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana.

That leaves only the 1200 acres of number 3 to be identified. Of possible connection is a land inventory in a decree of 1827, showing a property of 600 acres and one at Walkia Bluff of 640 acres.

Land inventory in decree of 1827 (Simon Favre estate):

1. One tract of 600 arpents on West Pearl in the state of Louisiana
2. One tract of 640 acres on the most Eastern branch of Pearl River at a place called “the waist (?) house”
3. One tract of 958 acres on the eastern branch of the Pearl River at place called “Favre’s old place.”
4. One tract of 640 acres at Walkaya Bluff

Numbers 2, 3 and 4 were bid off to Isaac Graves, total price $1140

Lawrence County Archives: 9^th Parcel

One of the most notable facts of the Lawrence County archives is that the so-called 9^th parcel does not show up until later, in the document called the “Second Inventory,” of 1814.

The 9^th parcel is listed as 800 arpents “at the place known by the name Store—- purchased with the improvements thereon.” The name shows up again, as part of Exposition, part A, sale of Plantation Store Pen (?) and was sold for $1000. It had been valued at $500. (The WPA report mention of Favre having had a store could possibly be a clue as to the illegible name of the plantation.)

The cattle, horses and slaves were sold at the same time, seeming to indicate that this plantation was in Hancock, more specifically at Napoleon.

One map shows that site as 846.26 acres, almost exactly at what would be obtained calculating arpents to acres (@.84625) from 1000 arpents. This cannot be coincidence, and probably was the number 3 site on the 1827 accounting, listed as Favre’s old place, measuring 958 acres. (Again, a possible confusion of acres and arpents. Difference might be explained by odd shape of 40 acres taken off sec. 29 and 20 from sec. 20.)

This seems to be confirmed by a deed, dated 26 Nov 1845, showing 1000 arpents from Spanish “now laid out as Napoleon.”

What we know about Favre’s last years and of his death are found in the new documents. On balance, it would appear that Simon Favre and his family moved their residence to Hancock County between 1804 and 1806. Those born after 1804 are recorded as having been born in Pearlington. Nonetheless, it is believed that the Favre farm was at Napoleon, Pearlington being a more established town and referred to as a location in general terms. (It is to be considered that the town of Napoleon was not named until after the death of Simon Favre. The legend of the name is based on an attempt to rescue Napoleon from one of his exiles, which did not occur until 1814 and 1815.)

Certainly among the most important documents in the Lawrence County collection are the wills of Simon Favre, both in French and in two English translations. While a copy of the will was known before, these documents appear in some ways to be more precise.

Noteworthy about the will is the absence of a list and valuation of the decedent’s slaves. Inclusion is customary for wills of the period for reasons of their value normally exceeding other assets. For this reason, they often are listed first, before land, cattle, and other values. As his estate listed 56 slaves and refers to others already sold and valued at $14,695, none are mentioned in the will.

Nor is the plantation. Favre’s will details eight pieces of land. The estate inventory adds a 9^th, that being the plantation. A name is given twice in these documents, but unfortunately, it is illegible. It appears to be close to “Storepern” or “Storepen.”

The location of the plantation referred to in the estate inventory as the 9^th parcel has not been established with certainty, but as discussed above, it might have been at Hickory Camp Creek, just down river from Napoleon. It would appear that it was purchased just before the date of Favre’s will (May 18, 1812), and conceivably transfer had not been finalized. When he died there may still have been no completed deed, and perhaps that is why his son is listed from the beginning.

Other important dates relative to Favre’s death and estate, as observed in Lawrence County papers, include the following:

• Date of will: May 18, 1812
• Likely date of purchase of Hickory Camp: April 1812
• Date of death: July 3, 1813 (Mary Favre said it was July 21)
• Date of Inventory of personal property: June 14, 1814 (Contains list of 56 slaves, cows, horses, boat, 400 empty barrels.)
• Second Inventory: October 5, 1814 (This contains list of properties, including 9th .)
• Document signed by Celeste Graves stating that estate was not yet settled: February 28, 1823

Obituary

The Index of Obituaries in the New Orleans Public Library carries the date of death as July 3, 1813, giving his age correctly at 53. Another source, according to Heitzmann, has Mary Favre stating that her father died on July 21, but the year is illegible.

The library index is as follows:

Favre, Simon
Death date: 1813-07-03
Age: 53
Sex: M
Notes: Mobile, Alabama
Obituary citation(s):
Friend of the Law/ L’Ami des Lois, 1813-07-20, Pg. 2 col. 1 – shows date of death as July 3. 1813.

The obituary, on damaged microfilm, is very difficult to read and is in French. An inexact translation follows:

Colonel of police, interpreter to the Indians.
Died in Mobile at age 53.
Excellent man.
This excellent man is quickly regretted by all those who had known him.
He was a man very advantageous for the gendarmerie for his knowledge of the language, of the mores, of the customs of the Indians among whom he had passed long years and of whom he had the confidence.

Tar and Turpentine

The business of the plantation was probably related to the production of turpentine. This is suggested by inclusion in the inventory of 400 empty barrels. The absence of any full barrels is conspicuous, probably indicating that production had not yet commenced after the purchase.

As stated above, Peter Chester’s land, near Favre’s, was said to be good for turpentine. It is probable that Simon’s father also made tar, as it is stated in Johnson’s British West Florida 1763-1783 that “one Favre, near mouth of the Pearl, …made a good quantity of tar and sold it in New Orleans.” This would have been in the period November 1770 to April 1771.

If turpentine was intended to be the main pursuit of the plantation, cattle raising was already well established. This is indicated partly by the inclusion in the assets of several hundred head of cattle and many horses. Also, the one slave with the highest valuation was listed as “cow hunter.”

Debts

The part of the inventory called “Exposition” lists substantial debts. This also is at variance with the will, which appears to treat debts lightly, referring to them simply as, “I have some debts which I enjoin my testamentary Executor to pay….”

In contrast, the Exposition is more explicit, listing nine for a total of $32,885.99¼. The payee in each case is not identified, but it may be suggested that some were in connection with the purchase of the plantation. The largest was $15,932, perhaps for slaves.

“Exposition” included “appraisement” of $20,575, and sales in the amount of $26,956. There does not seem to be reason to add them together. The largest sale was of slaves, amounting to $21,870.

It may be in relation to the last number that the court filings show interesting but contrasting views of the mores of the day. Through her attorney, shown elsewhere to be Rutilius Pray, the widow Favre showed a concern to get her just debts out of the way quickly: “She would desire to avoid the lawsuits and costs if possible as they always put a family in distress…to satisfy divers creditors that might present themselves against her after the time prescribed by law if she chose not [to] take some measure to satisfy them which notes or accounts …she has a perfect knowledge amounting in total to the sum of eight thousand seven hundred and sixty-five dollars…May it please your honour to order a sale of the following….a schooner with the negroes Ben and Michale Challenelle’s family of seven head Honore family of nine head Louis Quentin, Osman Pierre Congo, also one hundred and sixty cows and thirty mares and young horses.?

The above $8,765 figure could be the difference between the total sale and the amount needed to pay all debts, assuming that court agreed and sale took place.

Note that in the above, several slaves are mentioned that were sold by estate: two families of Honore and Ben plus four for total of 20. It would appear that she did not sell all that she asked to sell. Ben, age 50, was sold for $405, separately from his family.

Rutilius Pray, in 1826, made a detailed accounting showing “apprisements” to include the following:

• 56 slaves – $14,695
• 225 head cattle 1550
• 50 head of horse 1025
• Schooner 1505
• Lands: 1800
• Total: 20,575

[NB: Lands valued at only $1800!]

This was followed by actual sales, including $21,870 for slaves. Total sales: $26,956.

Dr. Hall’s list of sales for 1814 produces only $15,685 for 35 slaves. We have no record of sales for rest of slaves. It does seem that the estate paid the $32,885, but it is not clear how the necessary shortfall was found.

Estate Solvent

On balance, the estate appears to have been solvent. The total amount of the debt, $32,885, is shown to have been disbursed in an 1826 filing with the court. This is still confusing, because the Exposition does not show receipts and pay-out in balance.

What seems to be missing is the sale of slaves other than the 35 for which we have Dr. Hall’s record. A guess might involve Isaac Graves. He had no slaves in 1820 census, but 41 in 1830 and 1840.

Pray charged fee of 8% on inventory, equal to $1646; inventory being equal to “apprisement ” of 20,575.

Executors

These papers confirm Arman Duplantier ⁵⁶ as co-executor with Celeste. The will also shows that Armand’s son Fergus was to be tutor of the children. Why Joseph Chalon shows as executor and not Duplantier, who was married to Constance Rochon, sister of Celeste Favre, in a suit in New Orleans is still not understood.⁵⁷ Moreover, in later documents, Chalon appears giving bond with Celeste as administrators.

Many important people of the time signed various papers: Chalon, Mathurin Babin, Noel Jourdan, Isaac Graves, John b. Toulme, Pray, Edwin Russ, Ripley, A.B. Roman, and Celeste Graves (as husband of Isaac). Also found is Judge Pitot, first mayor of incorporated New Orleans.

Certificate of marriage was witnessed by Antonio Sedella, who was the beloved priest of the St. Louis Cathedral in New Orleans, known affectionately in history as Pere Antoine.

One document, listed as page 8 in margin, says that the estate was never fully settled. It is dated 1823.

WPA

The WPA report states that Favre lived just behind the Napoleon Baptist Church, and that he also had a store there. That location of the church structure has been established with the help of county maps, one in particular showing the exact location. It happens that on the edge of the Pearl behind the site of the church is a beautiful bluff, 26 feet above the river below. It goes without saying that this would have been a desirable place for a man who had a choice of locations.

All told, Simon Favre was an exceptional person, and certainly the most important of the early pioneers of Hancock County. His many descendants appear in numerous historic and modern records related to Hancock County, and one in particular went on to become a prominent quarterback in the National Football League.

More will be written about the Favres, by these writers and others, as more evidence unfolds. Meanwhile, it is hoped that this article will be a welcome addition to what is known of their lives and their contributions to Hancock County.